The Biden administration’s policy towards Israel has generally followed that of President Donald Trump’s, with high levels of US assistance to Israel and backing their claim on Jerusalem while shielding it from international criticism by blocking UN Security Council resolutions condemning Israeli settlements.
The administration has also actively supported Israel’s stated military objective of “destroying Hamas.” This policy could cause tensions to flare between Hezbollah and the US to become even greater.
1. Support for a Two-State Solution
The United States has long advocated for the concept of a two-state solution, where Israel and a Palestinian state coexist peacefully side-by-side. Even amid ongoing violence, many Americans remain supportive of this vision; yet recent fighting has cast serious doubt upon whether such an outcome can ever become reality anytime soon.
One major challenge facing Palestinian leadership in Ramallah is corruption; their ineffectiveness makes it impossible to reshape their economy or establish effective security forces. Furthermore, Palestinian population growth threatens to undermine any viability of a two-state solution in the future.
Israel’s settlement construction has further undermined prospects for good-faith negotiations by signaling Israeli intentions to annexe the West Bank and creating a political constituency opposed to any Israeli concessions, possibly explaining why support for two-state solutions has dropped to its lowest levels since polling started in early 2000s.
However, the administration is making efforts to revive the peace process, including reopening U.S. consulate in Jerusalem and reinstating aid to Palestinians. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has advocated that negotiated solutions are still possible and Vice President Biden has reiterated this goal for this administration.
Another encouraging development is the recent formation of the Negev Forum, an initiative between Israel and Arab and Muslim-majority countries promoting regional cooperation and integration for economic development and security. The United States should strive to strengthen this effort and make it part of our long-term engagement in the Middle East.
Continuing violence has also generated debate on how the United States should approach peace negotiations. Some contend that its traditional approach, which focused on core issues such as territory and security while giving too little consideration to issues related to human rights, religious freedoms, or sensitive topics such as these; others believe the U.S. can address current crisis by supporting Israel’s counterterrorism operations while deterring Iran – with an eye toward setting up some kind of successor authority once fighting ends.
2. Security
Long-term peace requires that Israel dismantle its settlements while Palestinians agree to a demilitarized state with control of their own security. Both parties should also address militant groups that endanger both Israeli and Palestinian lives.
The United States serves as a key mediator, yet both parties must make strides on all fronts for a negotiated peace. That includes setting up reconstruction mechanisms in Gaza that can continue after Israeli withdrawal; providing sufficient funds to Palestinians so they can pay their bills; and encouraging reluctant Arab states to help keep Iranian proxies out of the region.
All sides must acknowledge each other’s claims and aspirations; Israel and the Palestinians both seek recognition as states with separate governments and capitals, with Israel seeking to retain its Jewish character while Palestinians hope their forced displacement during Nakba will be recognized and addressed.
While the Obama administration took steps to shield Israeli businesses operating in the West Bank from political movements that sought to punish their activities, it nonetheless sent a strong signal about settlement construction when it abstained from voting against it in UNSC Resolution 245. By contrast, Donald Trump has adopted his predecessor’s view of conflict resolution while maintaining support for a two-state solution although with some reservations as to its feasibility.
Israel responded to a string of terrorist attacks with its most extensive military operation since the end of the second intifada in 2022. The United States acknowledged Israel’s right to self-defense but criticized the Palestinian Authority for failing to contain new militant groups or end messaging that encourages violence. Blinken made his visit to the region a call for both sides to work collaboratively to address this complex crisis. The administration has also signaled its willingness to revive the Quartet, an informal multilateral body composed of the United States, Russia, European Union and UN that was first convened after Six-Day War as an effort at conflict resolution. There remain doubts as to its efficacy; additional members may need to join.
3. Economic Development
As Israel’s top financial and military ally, the United States has used its influence to encourage Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. Additionally, they have served as mediators and arbitrators in cease-fire agreements between Israelis and Palestinians as well as providing substantial economic aid [PDF].
Since decades have passed, however, Palestinians have not had access to economic development opportunities that would enable a sustainable peace with Israel. This is in large part due to the ongoing Israeli occupation, which hinders their ability to build businesses and economies while restricting access to natural resources.
The Trump administration has moved away from its longstanding policy of supporting a two-state solution and instead prioritized Israeli needs over Palestinian needs, leading to illegal settlement expansion and spikes in settler violence – both which undermine Palestinian hopes for a negotiated peace agreement.
To regain some of its lost leverage, the Biden administration should press Israel to stop settlement construction and publicly criticize an increase in settler violence. They should also promote renewed commitment to the Joint Economic Committee established under Oslo Accords but hasn’t met since 2009 and one of the main forums through which Israeli-Palestinian negotiations may occur.
The administration should avoid backing Israel’s stated goal of “destroying Hamas,” as this will likely escalate the conflict to greater levels and could potentially drag America into regional warfare. While weakening and damaging Hamas might be achievable, Israel’s focus on its destruction puts this conflict on a path which cannot lead to peace.
At its core, it is of vital importance that the United States returns to its traditional policies on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Otherwise, the nation could quickly find itself locked into a cycle of firefighting which depletes U.S. diplomatic, political and financial capital while failing to advance negotiated solutions or prevent violent setbacks. Over the next several months will tell whether the Biden administration can successfully break this destructive conflict cycle.
4. Human Rights
Since 1948, the United States has been deeply engaged in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Over this time period, its involvement has played an influential role in shaping its outcome – from creating two ethnoreligious states based on an UN General Assembly vote in 1947, through Israel’s preemptive strikes during 1973 war with surrounding Arab states, to constant struggle between Israelis and Palestinians for recognition, land rights and peace.
Prioritizing human rights and ending Israel’s systematic oppression of Palestinian people are at the core of any effective solution for the conflict, while strengthening U.S. alliances with normative actors while helping restore U.S. credibility and global standing. President Biden recently suggested this “rights-based approach”, which would align with his national security strategy and improve U.S. credibility with normative actors – while helping restore American credibility and standing on an international stage.
This approach to Middle East policy goes beyond international relations; it also has profound ramifications for domestic politics and values. A policy which prioritizes human rights and puts an end to Israel’s occupation of Palestine will help revive American support for democracy, rule of law and pluralism worldwide while counteracting autocrats’ and other authoritarian actors’ attempts at undermining these ideals by shielding Israel from accountability in multilateral fora or with third countries while reinforcing the illusion that America’s engagement with the region gives Israel impunity.
The new policy should aim to rein in Israeli settlement expansion and settler violence, both of which obstruct meaningful negotiations between Israel and Palestinians. Settlements undermine efforts toward reaching a mutually recognized two-state solution by signaling Israel’s intentions for the West Bank while creating political constituencies fiercely opposed to any concessions by Israel; they further complicate an acceptable two-state solution by surrounding Jerusalem and Jordan Valley and leading to impasse in negotiations over final status decisions.
The administration should work to deescalate violence between settlers and Palestinians, including by using its leverage with Israel to demand that it restrict arms flowing to those engaging in attacks on civilians, and by supporting efforts to prosecute settlers for participating in violent attacks against civilians. These steps would not only increase chances for a negotiated two-state solution but would also strengthen and unify Middle Eastern societies that share democratic principles and values.
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